Secrets and Scandals: Reforming Rhode Island 1986-2006, Chapter 52

February 29, 2016 - table lamp

Monday, Feb 29, 2016

Between 1986 and 2006, Rhode Island ran a gauntlet of scandals that unprotected crime and worried open rage. Protesters marched on a State House. Coalitions shaped to quarrel for systemic changes. Under heated open pressure, lawmakers enacted ancestral laws and authorised electorate to rectify defects in a state’s constitution. 

Since colonial times, a legislature had tranquil state government. Governors were barred from origination many executive appointments, and judges could never forget that on a singular day in 1935 a General Assembly sacked a whole Supreme Court.

Without inherent checks and balances, adults suffered underneath singular celebration control. Republicans ruled during a nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; Democrats reason lean from a 1930s into a twenty-first century. In their eras of aroused control, both parties became corrupt.

H Philip West’s SECRETS SCANDALS tells a inside story of events that shook Rhode Island’s enlightenment of corruption, gave birth to a nation’s strongest ethics commission, and finally brought subdivision of powers in 2004. No singular leader, no domestic party, no classification could have converted betrayals of open trust into ancestral reforms. But when citizen coalitions worked with dedicated open officials to residence systemic failures, supervision changed.

Three times—in 2002, 2008, and 2013—Chicago’s Better Government Association has scored state laws that foster integrity, accountability, and supervision transparency. In 50-state rankings, Rhode Island ranked second twice and initial in 2013—largely given of reforms reported in SECRETS SCANDALS.

Each week, GoLocalProv will be regulating a section from SECRETS SCANDALS: Reforming Rhode Island, 1986-2006, which chronicles vital supervision reforms that took place during H. Philip West’s years as executive executive of Common Cause of Rhode Island. The book is accessible from a internal bookstores found HERE.

Part 4 


Déjà Vu (2006) 

Don Carcieri and his staff approaching a gubernatorial defence from a blueblood Yankee Democrat Sheldon Whitehouse. But Whitehouse set his sights on a U.S. Senate, where Lincoln Chafee’s ties to a Republican Party of President George W. Bush finished him vulnerable. Instead of Whitehouse, Carcieri found himself confronting Charles J. Fogarty, a happy populist whose domestic roots reached Rhode Island’s bedrock. Although Democrats reason a outrageous numeric advantage, Republicans had reserved a governor’s bureau for all yet 4 of a final twenty years. Pundits suggested that independents — and even many purebred Democrats — customarily chose Republican governors to opposite incessant Democratic majorities in a General Assembly. 

Carcieri launched his 2006 reelection debate by decrying “long-entrenched lobbyists, open kinship bosses, special interests and career politicians.” He announced that they were “trying once again to make state supervision their private playpen. They will quarrel me with all they have, given we will never do their bidding. Never.” 

But Fogarty also betrothed reform. “The categorical reason I’m regulating for director is to essentially change a approach Rhode Island does business,” he told contributor Mark Arsenault. “We have a good state yet we’ve been reason behind by this cloud of corruption, people as good as institutions that have zapped a certainty of Rhode Islanders. We need to spin that around.” 

On a final night of a legislative session, both a Senate and House inspected Fogarty’s loophole-closing Public Accountability and Reform Act of 2006. When Carcieri authorised this legislation to spin law yet his signature, Fogarty tweaked him for not signing. “What’s your problem with a bill?” a challenger asked. “What about it don’t we like?” 

Jeffrey Neal, Carcieri’s press secretary, discharged behind that Fogarty’s legislation unsuccessful given “self-employed lawmakers — such as lawyers and word brokers — are not compulsory to divulge who their clients are or from whom their income is derived.” Neal discharged a new law as “a recipe for continued conflicts of interest.” 

Neither Neal nor a director seemed to grasp a executive grounds of a 2004 Celona Law, that Carcieri had signed: a manners of lawyer-client confidentiality barred attorneys from fixing their clients. That fact competence have been too technical for a sound bite. Most media abandoned it entirely. The Providence Journal explained it in a singular story. 


Throughout a 2006 debate season, a hurtful practices of John Celona kept origination headlines. From stories in a Providence Journal, Operation Clean Government had strong 3 complaints involving a former senator’s work for CVS, Blue Cross/Blue Shield of Rhode Island, and Roger Williams Medical Center. On Jul 25, Celona stood with clasped hands and smelling of honeyed cologne before a Rhode Island Ethics Commission. 

Chairman James Lynch review a list of 10 specific “knowing and bullheaded violations” from a negotiated settlement. With profession Lauren Jones during his shoulder, Celona certified to any count and afterwards review a prepared statement: “I’m contemptible that we let my personal financial needs overcome my avocation to act ethically and be a good senator. While we competence not have started out intending to violate a formula of ethics, during some indicate we knew we had stepped over a line and we unsuccessful to scold my conduct. we do not censure anyone yet myself.” He closed: “I wish that by perplexing to do a right thing now, we can broach whatever respect we competence have left.” 

The Ethics Commission could have levied a excellent of $25,000 for any of a 10 violations, yet prosecutor Jason Gramitt endorsed reduce fines for 8 charges, and commissioners agreed. Even so, a final sum of $130,000 became a tip ethics excellent in Rhode Island history. we guessed that Celona would never pay. He had burnt by all he earned. 

Celona also concluded to beg guilty to 3 sovereign felonies. His defence discount compulsory his testimony opposite those who had bought his services. 

Federal prosecutors finished him a star declare during a Sep discussion of Roger Williams Medical Center and 3 tip executives indicted of dim his “honest services.” At a gray U.S. District Courthouse on Kennedy Plaza, a 3 faced charges of profitable Celona some-more than $260,000 over 6 years “to means him to use his influence, energy and management as a state senator to advantage a domestic and financial interests” of a hospital. 

I had never met a hospital’s clamp president, Frances P. Driscoll, or Peter J. Sangermano Jr., who managed a assisted vital challenging called a Village during Elmhurst, yet we remembered a institution’s president, Robert A. Urciuoli, from a work on a Blue Ribbon Commission that due downsizing a General Assembly and lifting legislators’ pay. Urciuoli and we had not seen any other or oral given Dec 1993, when a row expelled a final report. 

The assign and invulnerability concluded that Celona had approached Urciuoli in a summer of 1997 for a job. When Urciuoli hired him as a recruiter for a Village during Elmhurst, Celona’s compensate flowed from a sanatorium by a subsidiary. 

In his opening statement, Assistant U.S. Attorney Luis M. Matos told jurors that Urciuoli and his subordinates personally paid Celona to lift payment rates from insurers, boost ambulance runs to their hospital, and foster a hospital’s position on pivotal legislation. “A hurtful politician doesn’t act on his own,” Matos declared. “He needs someone to compensate him and tell him what matters to work on. And he needs someone to assistance him censor his actions.” The prosecutor forked to Urciuoli as a one “who bought, and concluded to buy, John Celona’s hurtful services.” 

Boston invulnerability counsel Richard M. Egbert countered that Celona had used a “sob story” about his unsuccessful lawnmower business to beg for sympathy. Urciuoli hired him for legitimate work with comparison citizens. At a time Celona was hired, Egbert told jurors, he “was yet influence, power, or authority. He could open no doors.” 

Whatever a law was when John Celona began work in 1997, he became immensely some-more profitable to Roger Williams Medical Center in 2000, after he helped William Irons seize control of a Senate. At that indicate Celona succeeded Irons as chair of a absolute Senate Corporations Committee — after renamed a Commerce, Housing, and Municipal Government Committee — that rubbed sanatorium and health caring legislation. 

The prosecutor elicited ban testimony from his primary witness. Celona told of regulating his precedence as cabinet chair to pull aloft reimbursements from insurers to a hospital. In interrogate Egbert reminded jurors that Celona’s work for a Village during Elmhurst had been no secret. In fact, it was listed in his form in a Rhode Island Government Owner’s Manual. 

The hospital’s attorney, James R. McGuirk, testified that Urciuoli had approached him in 1997 about employing Celona and he had warned opposite it, in partial given of intensity conflicts of interest. At Urciuoli’s request, McGuirk prepared a consulting agreement and a minute requesting an advisory from a Ethics Commission. Significantly, both papers named a Village during Elmhurst yet not Roger Williams Medical Center. McGuirk testified that Urciuoli never told him Celona was legislating for a hospital. 

The Roger Williams Medical Center discussion also unprotected a clich� of backstage legislative discourse. Celona testified that Senate leaders designated bills they dictated to bury as “NGN — Not Going Nowhere.” Stories from a discussion stoked journal headlines, radio news, and pronounce radio. The liaison hung over Rhode Island like fume from blazing oil. 


I never cared for conform shows or knew given a nonprofit called RISE asked me to be in one. RISE stood for Rhode Islanders Sponsoring Education. Its pointer was “Empowering children of jailed parents.” Founded by Brown University physicians, RISE destined to mangle cycles of addiction, poverty, and violence. An incongruously costly boutique propitious me with slim shirt and paisley tie. The clerk handed me a velvet coupler he estimated was value a thousand dollars. 

“What about pants?” we asked. 

He asked if we had aged jeans that were ripped and splattered with paint. we pronounced we did. “Wear those,” he said. He betrothed to have my outfits watchful in a men’s sauce area. 

The eventuality fell on a Sep Saturday opposite Kennedy Plaza from a sovereign courthouse. A immeasurable white tent lonesome a skating rink, stuffing during eve with a well-heeled audience. As illumination faded, campy models pranced to a finish of a mark illuminated runway and pirouetted. Two possibilities for vital director — Democratic Sen. Elizabeth H. Roberts and Republican Reginald A. Centracchio, a late help ubiquitous of a state’s National Guard — wowed a mob in bipartisan splendor. 

Organizers interconnected me with Mark S. Weiner, who had famously carried unusual amounts of income for Democrats, many recently as financial chair for John Kerry’s 2004 presidential campaign. We sashayed to a turnaround, where he ripped off his coupler and flung it to a audience. We shook hands, high-fived, and focussed to a crowd. 

I spoke quickly backstage with Dr. Pablo Rodriguez, a personality in a 2002 Latino redistricting lawsuit and a medical executive of Planned Parenthood. Nineteen months earlier, he and family members had been roving an airfield outpost on a Texas highway when a dipsomaniac motorist slammed into them. Rodriguez and his son landed in finish caring with life-threatening injuries, and his niece died. 

I slipped out of a tent and watched from a dim as a focussed figure in a bathrobe, wearing a gray wig and oversized medical sunglasses, pushed a hiker haltingly onto a runway. The assembly hushed. The shabby struggled to a finish where, with ideal comic timing, he shoved his hiker aside, expel off a wig, dim glasses, and robe. In a splendid blazer and faded jeans, Pablo Rodriguez waved in delight and boogied to music. The assembly leapt up, entertaining and dancing with him. 

Mark Weiner and we had both come by bouts with non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma. His had been in a newspaper. Mine had not. We common a practice and a survivors’ hug. 

I had never oral with Fred Butler — a committed member of a Ethics Commission — outward a commission’s office. Now, during this jaunty fundraiser, we were assimilated in a expel of nonsensical characters, as a idealist nonprofit incited a shenanigans into $100,000 value of scholarships for a children of prisoners. 

As a eventuality ended, people lingered to talk. we was branch to leave when Bob Urciuoli stepped out of a shadows. We had not jarred hands in years, and his voice detonate with stress. He explained that his mom chaired a RISE organizing committee, and he had come to support her. 

Testimony in his discussion had customarily ended. Urciuoli had not taken a mount in his possess invulnerability yet wanted to talk. He told me of assembly John Celona during church in a late 1970s. In 1997, when Celona’s lawnmower business went under, a new senator asked for work. Urciuoli pronounced he had felt Celona’s recklessness and looked for some legitimate approach to help. One apparent answer lay in offered a Village during Elmhurst to seniors, a competition Celona had courted successfully in his campaigns for a North Providence City Council and state Senate. 

Urciuoli explained that from a work on a Blue Ribbon Commission he knew a reliable dilemmas of a part-time legislature. Aware that unions and businesses employed many legislators, he had destined a hospital’s profession to find an advisory opinion from a Ethics Commission. To avert intensity conflicts Urciuoli distributed copies of a advisory to comparison staff during a sanatorium and a extended caring affiliate. He certain me that Celona had recused himself from scores of Senate votes that concerned a medical center. He insisted that Celona had delivered many times in studious fees what he had been paid. 

The former sanatorium boss and we stood alone in a shadowed dilemma among hundreds of dull chairs. Jury preference had perturbed him. Prosecutors had discharged business owners who competence have supposed his plight. “We got a jury of people who have never been to a legislature, don’t know how a check gets introduced, don’t know how people run for and opposite bills.” He complained that prosecutors had presented an email from Celona about operative to improved a cancer legislature as if that valid rapist conspiracy. He shook his control during a absurdity. “Phil, we remember that boondoggle. The Hospital Association, Brown University, and Common Cause all opposite it.” He sagged underneath an meaningful recognition that these jurors seemed innocent of justification as diseased as Celona’s cancer legislature email. 

I walked home along Saturday night streets, past bars and parties, introspective Urciuoli’s plight. we illusory how tough it would have been to spin Celona divided when both organisation were communicants during a same church. Ethics laws were never dictated to forestall institutions from employing legislators. Rather, a law mandated financial avowal and penalized conflicts of interest. Urciuoli had compulsory that Celona divulge his work. CVS and Blue Cross executives had not. Had Urciuoli used a ethics routine as cover? Was we trusting to take him seriously? 

Two weeks later, on Friday Oct 13, a jury announced Bob Urciuoli guilty on one assign of swindling and thirty-five depends of “honest services mail fraud.” Each paycheck mailed to Celona became a mail rascal felony. Jurors found Frances Driscoll, a hospital’s clamp president, guilty on a singular count of mail fraud. They transparent Peter Sangermano, of a Village during Elmhurst, on all counts. 

“The outcome sends a shrill message,” announced U.S. Attorney Robert Clark Corrente. “The people of Rhode Island are ill and sleepy of crime and inside deals. To those who would accept these inside deals as ‘typical Rhode Island,’ today’s outcome says ‘not anymore.’ ” 

Judge Ernest Torres scheduled sentencing for a spring. Meanwhile, a daily drumbeat of crime stories permeated choosing debates as Don Carcieri and Charlie Fogarty any claimed a layer of crime fighter. 


During a summer of 2006, Rhode Island courts had brisk to residence a General Assembly’s dissolution of a law that authorised a director to place advisory questions on a ballot. In July, Superior Court Judge Stephen J. Fortunato Jr. inspected Carcieri’s due questions on voter beginning and skill taxation limits. Fortunato went over what a governor’s lawyers had argued, affirming Carcieri’s management to place such questions on a list and opening a pathway for destiny governors to do a same. “It is a stipulation of this court,” Fortunato wrote, “that a director has a privilege to contention questions for inclusion on a ballot, with or yet any legislative action.” 

Supreme Court justices came behind from summer vacations to hear puncture arguments. They ruled that Secretary of State Matthew Brown no longer had “authority to approve with a governor’s letter” given a halt overrule had “extinguished a governor’s management good before a secretary could ready a ballot.” The justices total that Fortunato had overreached in dogmatic that Rhode Island governors hexed a inherent energy that conjunction side had argued. 

Gov. Carcieri’s advisory questions would not go before state voters, yet a Narragansett Indian Casino doubt remained. On Aug 8, U.S. District Court Judge William E. Smith discharged a lawsuit that destined to hit it off a ballot. “Courts should not wade into constitutionally vehement waters unless doing so is unavoidable,” Smith wrote. “That is not a box here.” 

The Rhode Island Supreme Court also seemed heedful of “torrid waters.” we took it for postulated that House leaders had dispatched their ask for an advisory opinion about legislators portion on CRMC to a high court. No one approaching a justices to news briefs before a calendar discussion early in September, yet when that date inspected yet an announcement, we wondered what their overpower meant. The poser thickened when a high court’s Oct scheduling discussion came and went yet word. 

On Oct 12, we went to a RIPEC annual assembly and cooking during a Marriott Hotel. Businesses hosted tables for executives, managers, legislators, judges, ubiquitous officers, and a few open seductiveness advocates. Across my reserved list sat Chief Justice Frank Williams. We had not oral given a Ethics Commission’s meltdown 5 years progressing when he blamed “the ethics flap” on former executive Martin Healey. we believed that Williams had dim his possess purpose and finished Healey a scapegoat. 

Throughout a cooking a arch probity and we sat too distant detached in a garrulous mob to promulgate solely for when a eyes locked. After a speeches and awards, we finished my approach to Williams in a crowd. Startled, he supposed my handshake. we asked given a Sep and Oct scheduling conferences had both inspected yet any proclamation about briefs and arguments on a House ask for an advisory opinion on a CRMC. 

“We didn’t get to it,” he pronounced abruptly and ducked away. 

As people streamed toward a exits, we hold adult with Bob Flanders and told him about my succinct sell with Williams. “Why would he contend ‘they didn’t get to it?’ ” we asked. 

Flanders detonate into laughter. “They’re frightened to genocide of it,” he said. “Imagine a nod of their colleagues opposite a nation if they were to order — even after electorate certified such a transparent amendment — that Rhode Island still had no subdivision of powers. They would make themselves a shouting stock.” 


Campaign spending wars dominated tumble TV. Incumbent U.S. Senator Lincoln Chafee fought for his domestic life opposite Sheldon Whitehouse, while Gov. Carcieri battled Lt. Gov. Charlie Fogarty. Both contests drew inhabitant courtesy and money. 

Pro- and anti-casino army also squared off with immeasurable amounts of money. Former Gov. Lincoln Almond led an anti-casino bloc called Save Our State (SOS). When a Providence Journal reported that between Jun 1 and Aug 31 Harrah’s had spent $5.2 million, Almond mocked a Nevada organisation for “trying to buy a Constitution.” Save Our State, by contrast, had carried customarily over $1 million, half from Lincoln Park and half from Newport Grand. Chambers of commerce, hotels, and restaurants chipped in another $40,000. “It’s $5,000 here and $2,000 here,” Almond told contributor Scott Mayerowitz. “I design we’ll have adequate income to do a job.” 

Common Cause assimilated Lincoln Almond’s coalition. Vice President Brian Heller explained to reporters that a classification had never taken a position possibly for or opposite gambling, yet we were angry that Harrah’s casino would be “planted henceforth in a Rhode Island Constitution.” He cited a 2003 House gambling study: “Their possess news called for a opposition routine and origination of an eccentric regulatory physique before a fixing of a casino developer or horde community. They constructed a plain news and afterwards trashed it.” 

The Casino Amendment had bumped a Right To Vote Amendment from Question 1 to Question 2 on a Nov ballot. Our steering cabinet had no income for promotion or polling yet grown a two-pronged strategy. We would classify in a state’s county core — Providence, East Providence, Pawtucket, Central Falls, Woonsocket, and Newport — where eighty percent of disenfranchised ex-convicts lived. Our paid staff — mostly street-wise former prisoners — would lead teams of volunteers, mostly college students. They would canvass retard by block, teach intensity voters, and bond with prisoners’ families who could motivate their neighbors. We hoped this get-out-the-vote debate could broach adequate county support to overcome approaching disastrous votes in little towns and suburbs. 

Our second stump would rest on normal remodel allies to build support in superficial areas. Barbara Hurst, a open defender and member of a steering committee, recruited officials who had prosecuted crimes. Our list of supporters shortly enclosed late judges, former attorneys general, U.S. attorneys, police, and recover residence members. Many common a faith that voting would relieve recidivism. 

Mayors, city legislature members, state legislators, and members of Congress concluded to be listed as publicly endorsing Question 2. Gov. Donald Carcieri and Atty. Gen. Patrick C. Lynch refused to behind a effort. 

At a steering committee’s request, Providence Police Chief Dean Esserman and we published an opinion square in several papers, and several of us began assembly with publishers and editors to secure their support. 

Professional organizations and remodel groups — quite a ACLU, Common Cause, and a League of Women Voters — had volunteers distributing flyers. The AFL-CIO, teachers’ unions, AFSCME, and SEIU betrothed to inspire their members to support Question 2.34 The customarily statewide classification that publicly opposite restoring a opinion was a Rhode Island Police Chiefs Association.35 

Right To Vote Coalition partners with eremite roots — trimming from a American Friends Service Committee to a Unitarian Universalists for Social Justice — pulled together in support. The Rhode Island State Council of Churches scheduled a “Day for Justice” on Oct 22, when congregations would discharge information and titillate “Yes” on Question 2. Urban churches with vast minority congregations participated enthusiastically, while primarily white suburban and farming churches were reduction supportive. Former prisoners recruited priests, pastors, and imams who had helped them behind bars. 

We hosted an interfaith preaching breakfast where we distributed flyers and a representation sermon. In churches where we spoke, we asked worshippers to call out disproportion during a heart of their faith. Their responses came like drops of rain: “Love . . . Compassion . . . Mercy . . . Forgiveness.” we preached from a doubt acted by a soothsayer Micah: “What does a Lord need of you? Only to do justice, adore mercy, and travel humbly with your God.” 


Though Koren Carbuccia would never explain to be a preacher, she had testified and lobbied courageously to get a amendment onto a ballot. On a Monday night in a usurpation room during a Family Life Center she used her many essential speech. In a morning she would face reporters, vocalization for some-more than fifteen thousand former prisoners. Nervous, she kept interrupting herself. 

Nancy Kirsch, hired by a debate to concentration a open message, reassured her. “Relax, Koren,” Kirsch coached, “you’re a natural, and we have a unequivocally critical story to tell. Relax and take your time.” 

Carbuccia started for a fourth time. “Good morning. My name is Koren Carbuccia. I’m a tyro during Community College of Rhode Island operative toward a grade in square abuse counseling.” Her eyes showed a highlight she felt. 

“Today we am a mom of four-year-old Vaskan, and we live together in Pawtucket. Today we took Vaskan to pre-kindergarten for a unequivocally initial time. It was a unapproachable moment. My life wasn’t always this good.” She told of life behind bars during a initial dual and a half years of Vaskan’s life. She had nursed him in a visiting area and decided, for his sake, to mangle with her past. 

“I take caring of my son. we review to him. we play with him. I’m a obliged primogenitor now. I’m a obliged citizen.” Without bitterness, she went on to contend that a state would not concede her to be a best primogenitor she could be given it would not let her vote. “Voting is critical to me,” she said, “especially in a propagandize residence election. Why? Because Vaskan has special needs that contingency be addressed. If we can’t opinion in propagandize residence elections and internal elections, we can’t pronounce for him. Under a stream law, Vaskan will be fifteen before we can vote.”

Hers was a peaceful strain in a teenager key, a tension underneath a surface. Her voice steadied like a cello. As she finished, we felt a prick of tears. “I’m crying,” we said. “You’ll reason their hearts in a morning.” If she could reason her composure, she would make tip people manifest to those who would rather not see them. 

Next day, in a State House rotunda, reporters clipped their microphones onto a lectern during one dilemma of a executive landing. Carbuccia stood on a stairs in a black pants suit, watchful her spin while domestic leaders, polite rights organizers, and a reverend improvised. Finally, underneath a radiant bronze flare stand, she spoke. With parsimonious curls closely cropped, vast eyes, and perceptibly any makeup, she conveyed still authority. 

Afterward, reporters for a Providence Journal and Pawtucket Times wanted disdainful interviews with her. we reason my exhale as each, in turn, reason their little recorders nearby her lips and asked tough questions. She spoke frankly about her drug crimes, practice in prison, Vaskan’s special needs, and her hopes. 

The subsequent morning lead stories in both newspapers began with a same dual words: “Koren Carbuccia.” Jim Baron of a Times told her story in parsimonious paragraphs for readers in a city where she lived and longed to vote. Karen Lee Ziner during a Journal led with a frail outline — “Koren Carbuccia is operative tough to change her life after spending some-more than dual years in jail for drug offenses” — that incited one ex-inmate’s story into a lens that focused on contribution of transgression disenfranchisement. 

The New York Times ran a front-page story that finished Rhode Island’s bid emblematic of a inhabitant need to assistance former prisoners reconnect. “What we’re witnessing,” state jail executive A.T. Wall told contributor Erik Eckholm, “is a good branch of a circle in corrections policy.” The story described some-more than 600,000 inmates rising from a nation’s prisons any year and a gloomy fact that some-more than half of those would return. Even with assistance from programs like a Family Life Center, a story continued, “odds opposite staying true are formidable.” 

The Westerly Sun ran a form of Peter A. Slom, a supportive former restrained who had been convicted of offered heroin fifteen years earlier, served twenty-six months in a Adult Correctional Institutions, been released, stayed straight, and warranted a grade in amicable work. Reporter Chris Keegan described Slom’s efforts as a girl soccer coach, chair of a propagandize building committee, and chair of a Right To Vote Steering Committee. But Slom could not opinion and would not spin authorised to opinion for dual some-more years. 

Despite their reporter’s essay and a debate revisit to their office, publishers of a Sun warned readers about another ex-convict who, while still on parole, bloody a Westerly lady with a shotgun. “Had his recover shown he had incited his life around?” a editors asked. 

Coventry Sen. Leonidas Raptakis sounded a identical refrain in an opinion square that seemed in several papers. “While a advocates of Question 2 are clever to offer adult heart-warming stories of felons who have incited their lives around,” he wrote, “the fact of a matter is that capitulation would revive voting rights to aroused felons who competence have little or no seductiveness in contributing to a peculiarity of life in a community. We are articulate about giving voting rights behind to offenders who competence have killed, crippled, maimed or viciously pounded their associate citizens.” 

But a customarily regressive editors during a Providence Journal incited Raptakis’s doubt around, suggesting that electorate ask instead: “What process would offer to foster a reserve and other interests of many citizens?” As if a answer were self-evident, a editors answered: “It is in society’s seductiveness to inspire felons to reconnect rightly with their community.” The editorial sealed by reminding readers that stream Rhode Island law barred “blacks and Latinos from voting during rates aloft than 37 other states. The Ocean State can join a American mainstream, stealing this barrier to minorities’ appearance in county life, by voting approbation on Question 2.” 

The New York Times chimed in as well: “Allowing former convicts to opinion strengthens democracy, and helps them to confederate into multitude and pierce over a life of crime.” Its editorial encapsulated a whole campaign: “Felon disenfranchisement is a vestige of another America. It was mostly finished to keep blacks from voting, or to disgrace ex-offenders. Rhode Island, that was founded by eremite dissenters, can strike an critical blow for inclusion by permitting people who have paid their debt to multitude to attend in democracy.” 


From a start of a gubernatorial race, Don Carcieri and Charlie Fogarty had jousted over who would be worse on corruption. At a Common Cause annual assembly in Sep they answered questions in a city gymnasium format. Despite open politeness and a smiling handclasp with residence boss Dan Siegel, their mutual disregard was apparent in physique denunciation as any listened to a other. But a assembly got no allege notice of what lay ahead. 

During a final week of October, a inhabitant Republican organisation mounted an conflict ad destined during a remodel legislation Fogarty had coaxed to thoroughfare during a spring. “In Charlie Fogarty’s world,” an lawful voice began, “life is good, if you’re an insider.” Video showed silhouettes of organisation in suits jolt hands and flitting a satchel, while Fogarty’s smiling face seemed with a caption: “Fogarty’s Ethics Bill: ‘Lawmakers still aren’t compulsory to name clients.’ ” 

Four murky organisation marched into a military choice underneath a caption: “Charlie Fogarty’s Supporters.” The meaningful voice-over continued: “Fogarty wrote a law that allows bureaucrats like him to censor who’s profitable them, opening a pathway to special interests, mouth-watering backroom deals. Little consternation Fogarty’s large income domestic supporters demeanour like a line-up.” 

With faces vaporous yet still labeled “Charlie Fogarty’s Supporters,” a camera zoomed in on a heading “Mayor Buddy Cianci donated $1,000” in 1999. A red stamp announced in confidant collateral letters: “convicted of corruption.” 

The subsequent dim figure was a male tagged “Frances Driscoll donated $2,250,” as a red stamp appeared: “convicted of mail fraud.” Ironically, Frances Driscoll was female. 

“Convictions! Bribery! Indictments!” a voice warned over dual some-more silhouetted organisation in a lineup. The final was captioned: “House Speaker John Harwood donated $1,000 in 1998.” The confidant red stamp read: “driven from office.” 

The 4 murky organisation in a lineup swaggered as a proclamation finished with, “Fogarty claims he wants to purify adult Rhode Island. Why does he wish to keep all of us in a dark?” 

The shade went black, and a title forsaken to a center: “We Need Solutions.” 

Another line knocked it away: “Charlie Fogarty is partial of a problem.” Red letters squeezed in: “Charlie Fogarty is STILL partial of a problem.”
At a bottom came avowal in little retard caps: “paid for by a republican governors association.”

It looked as if a Republican Governors Association had taken a page from a playbook of a Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, who had incited John Kerry’s reputable Vietnam record opposite him. This blurb skewed new clarity requirements, secretly implying that Fogarty indeed total layers of secrecy. 

Beyond a divergent content, a blurb used unlawful funds. This was a second time inhabitant Republican income had saved an conflict ad that helped Carcieri and disregarded Rhode Island’s debate financial law. 

Since 1992, Rhode Island’s Campaign Finance Law had outlawed sum contributions above $25,000 to any claimant or domestic party. But in Oct 2002, a Rhode Island Republican Party took $250,000 — 10 times a authorised extent — from a Republican National Committee for a blurb that cited “insider deals, scandal, corruption,” and “state spending out of control.” The ad promoted Carcieri as a “fresh start for Rhode Island” and destined viewers to his debate website. At a Board of Elections discussion on Oct 21, 2002, a counsel for a Rhode Island GOP claimed a blurb was customarily an “issue ad,” given it did not enclose a disproportion “Vote for Don Carcieri.” Carcieri’s debate disavowed a ad, insisting it had been constructed independently, nonetheless Ken McKay, Carcieri’s debate manager, concurred that Carcieri welcomed inhabitant support. 


The bipartisan Board of Elections had ruled unanimously that a Rhode Island Republican Party had disregarded state debate financial laws and systematic a ad taken down, and a state Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal. The box dragged on for years with volleys of motions until Superior Court Judge Stephen J. Fortunato cursed a residence for clumsy a examine and barred offer investigation. 

Carcieri had won in 2002, and a 2006 blurb “In Charlie Fogarty’s World” followed an eerily identical path. But who had fed essential comprehension to a prolongation association paid by a National Republican Governors Association? Had Carcieri’s debate damaged a law? Though conjunction doubt would be answered before Nov 7, a blurb “In Charlie Fogarty’s World” was grotesquely dishonest. 

With support of a Common Cause Rhode Island executive cabinet we sent a press recover to media opposite a state to set a record straight. we epitomised what we called “six new and poignant reforms” in a law Fogarty had pushed. “What we find unfortunate about this conflict ad,” we wrote, “is that it disparages a vital director for conceiving this bill, and it blames a lawmakers who worked diligently to pass it. This new law constitutes genuine swell toward open, accountable government, yet no one would know that by examination this commercial.” 

I total sum that had never been publicized: “Neither Governor Donald Carcieri nor his staff testified on this legislation. A outrageous and bipartisan infancy in a House of Representatives certified a bill. Only one Republican and one Democrat voted opposite passage.” The director had authorised a legislation to spin law yet his signature. And if Fogarty’s check was as bad as this blurb claimed, given had Carcieri not vetoed it? 

I wrote that Common Cause Rhode Island had never weighed in on any debate commercial. “But this conflict ad cries out for fact-checking. Besides dishonoring both Governor Carcieri and Lieutenant Governor Fogarty, it misleads Rhode Island voters.” 

Print reporters phoned for offer comment, and newspapers opposite Rhode Island ran stories on a false ad. Joe Baker wrote in a Newport Daily News that we had never — even in off-the-record conversations — intent in narrow-minded politics. “In a large times I’ve oral with West, we have never listened him give any spirit of publicity for or opposite a state official.” That history, he wrote, gave my matter about a anti-Fogarty ad a “jaw-dropping impact.” 

For several days, we wondered given radio stations abandoned such a blatant distortion about Fogarty’s signature reform. The poser finished when a Republican Governors Association filed a compulsory news with a Board of Elections. Their news — ironically filed while trick-or-treaters were donning costumes for Halloween — suggested dual payments customarily days earlier. One check for $25,000 went to Stevens Schriefer Group for “media production” and a second of $595,000 to Stevens Schriefer Group Media Inc. for “media buy.” Virtually all of that income would have left to a network associate stations — ABC, CBS, NBC, and Fox — to fascinate electorate with “In Charlie Fogarty’s World.” 

Rhode Island law compulsory anyone who finished eccentric expenditures for or opposite a claimant to plead that they were “not behaving in unison with any other chairman or group.” From a Washington bureau reduction than a retard from a White House, Melinda Anderson had sealed on interest of a GOP governors that they were “not behaving in concert” with Carcieri’s campaign, yet no reasonable chairman could trust that. The ad’s outline fit hand-in-glove with Carcieri’s critique of Fogarty’s bill. It strong and amplified a governor’s naïve direct that a legislation should have compulsory lawyers to name their clients — even yet such avowal would have disregarded lawyer-client confidentiality. 

As Rhode Island rushed toward a election, it seemed that Fogarty and Carcieri were neck and neck, any spending about $2 million. Republican governors had poured another $620,000 into Carcieri’s competition — scarcely twenty-five times what they could legally contribute. Would they tip a competition to Carcieri? 


With polls regulating opposite a due “Narragansett Indian Casino,” Harrah’s gambled that it could win electorate over with a fusillade of commercials. The Las Vegas hulk spent $3.2 million in Sep — roughly $106,000 per day. Still behind in a polls, Harrah’s quadrupled a spending in October, ruinous all prior Rhode Island debate records. Save Our State, a anti-casino coalition, spent distant reduction yet clung to a lead in state polls. 

By comparison, a Right To Vote Campaign drew $350,000 from on-going foundations for a whole campaign. We remained all yet invisible, that a immature domain executive preferred. Scrawny, unkempt, and brilliant, Dan Schleifer dodged reporters. His get-out-the-vote operation was a tip arms that he kept dim until after a election. 

During dual years given his graduation from Brown University, Schleifer had lived on a keep salary from a Family Life Center. As domain executive for a Right To Vote Campaign, he deployed former prisoners who were now students — Andres Idarraga during Brown and Bruce Reilly during Rhode Island College — to pointer adult their classmates as volunteers. Recruiters appealed to a students’ enterprise to make a difference. They betrothed that a work would be exhausting yet would finish on Nov 7, withdrawal copiousness of time to finish a tumble term’s educational work. By mid-October, scarcely dual hundred tyro volunteers had joined. Fifteen paid canvassers — many disenfranchised former prisoners or their kin — led a teams. Schleifer deployed his teams to dirty neighborhoods and monitored them by dungeon phone. He became a guerilla general, sitting on a curbstone, clipboard in hand, tired yet calm. 

I staid beside Schleifer to demeanour during one zone map. During a final weekend, his teams would canvass their blocks 3 some-more times. “Our teams know people by name in any residence on this block,” he pronounced proudly. “We know who supports Question 2 and why. If they have a phone, we know a number.” On Nov 7, his teams would guard any county polling place. They would lane who had voted and who had not. “We’ll cover a blocks in any city. We’ll call people, go to their doors, keep after them until they indeed vote.” 

When a last-minute extend enabled us to buy several journal ads and shell a state with computer-generated phone calls, a steering cabinet asked me to record a message. And so a calls went out: “Hello, this is Phil West during Common Cause seeking we to opinion YES on Ballot Question 2 on Nov 7. Question 2 will revive voting rights to thousands of Rhode Islanders — U.S. adults who have paid their debt to multitude and who now live, work, lift families, and compensate taxes here in Rhode Island. Please opinion YES on Question 2.” 


On Saturday morning before a election, we ran my favorite trail along a eastern seaside of connected lakes in Roger Williams Park. From opposite a H2O came sounds of a domestic convene during a Temple to Music, so we dull a spillway to see for myself. An assembly of hundreds surrounded a marble stage. Classic columns framed Sheldon Whitehouse and a slim male we famous from radio as U.S. Senator Barack Obama. 

The Senate competition between Whitehouse and Lincoln Chafee had damaged a mold. Chafee had beaten Cranston Mayor Steven Laffey, a far-right rival, in a sour GOP primary, yet he afterwards pivoted to conflict Whitehouse in a ubiquitous election. While many in blue-state Rhode Island appreciated Chafee’s votes opposite a Iraq War, opposite President George W. Bush’s taxation cuts, opposite drilling in a Arctic, and opposite cuts in Medicaid and Medicare, Whitehouse argued nothing of that would matter if Chafee’s initial opinion in a new tenure kept a U.S. Senate in Republican hands. 

Whitehouse and a immature presidential contender from Illinois detailed these themes to a mob that filled a marble plaza, grassy half-circle, and slopes around a Temple to Music. Wearing my grungy sweatpants, we skirted a margins of a rally, clever not to concede my inactive purpose by clapping. 

On a southern border of a mob we found 6 Palestinian officials we had escorted around a State House a prior afternoon. All were from a West Bank, and we stood with them on a grassy slope until a convene ended. 

“Who will win?” asked a customarily lady in a group. 

“Probably Whitehouse,” we said. The day before we had described a debate for subdivision of powers and common with them a critique Sheldon Whitehouse had finished in 1992 that yet subdivision of powers Rhode Island would never “cut a low base of corruption.” 

“And if Whitehouse wins,” she asked, “will he retard a policies of Bush?” 

“I know he’ll try,” we said. Separation of powers was frail as a judgment yet mostly disorderly in a application. 


Election Day finally faded into night. Weary Right To Vote volunteers finished their phone calls, gathering late electorate home from a polls, and straggled to an upstairs usurpation room during Ada’s Creations on Broad Street in Providence. With finger foods, beer, and wine, sap debate workers came to life again in a intercourse of a common cause. 

Across Rhode Island a polls sealed during 9:00 p.m. From that impulse on, people chatted with eyes checking TV screens as a count came in. While Whitehouse built a flourishing corner over Chafee, many races remained in doubt. Numbers on a shade showed Don Carcieri and Charlie Fogarty hovering within a few hundred votes of one another. 

“Casino,” someone yelled, and a mob flocked to watch a wall-mounted flat-screens. From a first, it became apparent that in annoy of Harrah’s impracticable spending, Question 1, a Casino Amendment, was being crushed. “They had no belligerent game,” one tyro pronounced of Harrah’s operatives. “They had paid people perplexing to remonstrate electorate going into a polls. Way too late.” 

A hush fell as numbers for Question 2 appeared. In Coventry, Sen. Lou Raptakis’s town, customarily over 55 percent deserted a amendment. In Westerly — notwithstanding a Westerly Sun’s disastrous editorial — 54.2 percent approved. The televised numbers cycled to other contests. People nervously switched channels and switched back, watching. 

As we expected, several little towns went opposite us — Exeter, Foster, Glocester — yet we mislaid those 3 by customarily 610 sum votes. In Johnston, where Sen. Joe Polisena had railed opposite restoring a opinion and was winning his competition for mayor, electorate deserted Question 2 by a comparatively little 626-vote margin. Then little New Shoreham — Block Island — seemed on shade with a singular polling place. Of 904 voters, 563 or 62.3 percent had certified restoring a vote. A hearten went up. As North Kingstown and North Providence reported with deficient counts, we were losing both. We mislaid East Greenwich by 1,006 votes yet won Barrington by 628. 

Although we had not seen Koren Carbuccia in several weeks, we had desired observant a tone print of her and her son on a billboard print and a sides of busses with a checklist: 

☑ we am a U.S. citizen.

☑ we live and work in Rhode Island. 

☑ we lift a family in Rhode Island. 

☑ we compensate taxes in Rhode Island.

☐ we opinion in Rhode Island. 

She had spent a day during a polling place in Pawtucket and was dismayed by how many people famous her. Several had sneered during her. “But we put on my diversion face,” she told me, “even to those who were negative. And other people started revelation me: ‘Oh, we didn’t know we were a felon.’ And I’m like, oh . . .” Her voice dropped. “I didn’t comprehend how many people didn’t know. But people who unequivocally knew me pronounced it didn’t matter to them.” 

She pronounced Vaskan was anxious to see his design on busses. “He doesn’t know it all now, yet he keeps saying, ‘Mommy, that’s me and you. Mommy, that’s me and you.’ we saved any article, so one day I’ll explain it all to him that we finished history.” 

I asked how she felt about a State House press conference. She laughed. “My self-respect customarily soared. That was a right pivotal to my car. It got my engine going and finished it certain for me.” 

As formula began issuing from Rhode Island’s core cities, a sum shifted in a favor. Newport came by with a scarcely fifteen percent feat margin, some-more than 1,100 votes. Tiny Central Falls showed 63.2 percent approving, a over-abundance of 611 votes. East Providence constructed a pillow of some-more than a thousand. Returns from Pawtucket total dual thousand. Each turn of county numbers brought a cheer. Even before a final districts reported, Providence delivered a landslide, improved than 2-to-1, a over-abundance of some-more than thirteen thousand votes. The cities were providing a slight statewide victory. 

Trumpets blared from a doorway. Cymbals crashed. A turmoil of drums detonate into a room. A sousaphone actor focussed his unmanageable instrument brazen to fit by a pathway and straightened adult with an elephantine blast — Dan Schleifer burning with triumph. Trombones and saxophones wailed — a furious mélange of John Philip Sousa, Bollywood, and hip-hop. Their sound could fill a football stadium. A second sousaphone bobbed by a pathway with a nod “What Cheer?” embellished brightly on a bell. Legend reason that a Narragansetts welcomed Roger Williams with a nod that total a Elizabethan word with their word for friend: “What cheer, natop?” We had won. At Ada’s Creations on Broad Street, a roof lifted. 

Later we asked Schleifer about their What Cheer? Brigade. What was that enthusiastic strain they played? He laughed. “Luddite hardcore,” he said. “No amplifiers, yet unequivocally shrill and danceable.” 

In a 6 cities where Schleifer’s teams had canvassed block-by-block, Question 2 built adult a domain of 18,719 votes. In a thirty-three cities and towns where we depended on remodel groups, churches, and newspapers, we mislaid by 7,192. Our final count showed a Right To Vote Amendment had prevailed with a statewide domain of 11,527 — 3.1 percent. This was no little victory. With passage, Rhode Island electorate became a initial in a United States to approve a state inherent amendment that certified a replacement of voting rights to convicted felons a impulse they walked out of prison. 

In a tip spending competition ever available in Rhode Island, electorate solidly deserted a Harrah’s-Narragansett Indian Casino. Question 1 mislaid by 100,199 votes, 26.1 percent of a votes cast. 

Sheldon Whitehouse swept 53.5 percent of a opinion and dangling Lincoln Chafee, mostly by stirring fears of a Republican infancy in a Senate. In dual years heading adult to a Senate election, Whitehouse had carried and spent $6.42 million, compared with Chafee’s $3.53 million. 

Gov. Carcieri won with 51.01 percent: a domain of 7,804 votes out of 386,928 expel statewide. This was a initial gubernatorial competition in that one candidate, Charlie Fogarty, participated in a matching-funds module while a other did not. Fogarty carried roughly $863,000 in private contributions — adequate to validate for $981,000 in open relating funds. He also had a advantage of removing a 2-to-1 compare for contributions next $500. Carcieri carried $1.57 million in private funds. 

Although Fogarty had sealed into a module while Carcieri opted out, they had traded leads in several polls, mostly within a domain of error, until a Republican Governors Association put a complicated palm with $620,000 on a scale. “In Charlie Fogarty’s World,” their divergent ad foster nonstop for a final week, narrowly returned Don Carcieri to bureau for a second term. 


On a wintry Nov night leaders of Common Cause threw a celebration during a Convention Center for my retirement. Anne, a sons, and daughters-in-law surrounded me during cooking in a categorical ballroom. More than 5 hundred people bought tickets with deduction going to a quarter-million-dollar capacity to continue this work. Hasbro supposing list favors with my face as a jigsaw nonplus while Anne presented a PowerPoint of photos and stories. Comedian Charlie Hall and his Ocean State Follies finished light of scandals and attempts during reform. we called out interjection to activists and open officials who had put their careers during risk to foster reforms. 

After a final handshakes and hugs, we hauled mementos to a travel underneath a comfortable heat of a neon art designation and commissioned a car. Looming opposite Sabin Street was a composed section domicile of a Providence Journal where we had lerned as a duplicate editor in a summer of 1988. we had unsuccessful during that given we kept perplexing to rewrite a news. My disaster during a Journal had kept me acid a wish ads until Common Cause posted a little proclamation that altered my life. Now we could start essay about scores of people who had worked together in a microcosm of a state to hook a dignified arc of a star toward justice. 

H. Philip West Jr. served from 1988 to 2006 as executive executive of Common Cause Rhode Island. SECRETS SCANDALS: Reforming Rhode Island, 1986-2006, chronicles vital supervision reforms during those years.

He helped classify coalitions that led in thoroughfare of dozens of ethics and open supervision laws and 5 vital amendments to a Rhode Island Constitution, including a 2004 Separation of Powers Amendment.

West hosted many delegations from a U.S. State Department’s International Visitor Leadership Program that came to learn about ethics and subdivision of powers. In 2000, he addressed a discussion on supervision ethics laws in Tver, Russia. After timid from Common Cause, he taught Ethics in Public Administration to connoisseur students during a University of Rhode Island.

Previously, West served as priest of United Methodist churches and ran a allotment residence on a Bowery in New York City. He helped with a smoothness of medicines to victims of a South African-sponsored polite fight in Mozambique and after assisted people transposed by Liberia’s polite war. He has been concerned in building affordable housing, day caring centers, and other village services in New York, Connecticut, and Rhode Island.

West graduated, Phi Beta Kappa, from Hamilton College in Clinton, N.Y., perceived his masters grade from Union Theological Seminary in New York City, and published biblical investigate he finished during Cambridge University in England. In 2007, he perceived an titular Doctor of Laws grade from Rhode Island College.

Since 1965 he has been married to Anne Grant, an Emmy Award-winning writer, a nonprofit executive, and late United Methodist pastor. They live in Providence and have dual grown sons, including cover illustrator Lars Grant-West. 

This electronic chronicle of SECRETS SCANDALS: Reforming Rhode Island, 1986-2006 omits notes, that fill 92 pages in a printed text.


Buddy Cianci

Vincent A. “Buddy” Cianci quiescent as Providence Mayor in 1984 after pleading nolo contendere to charges of assaulting a Bristol male with a illuminated cigarette, ashtray, and grate log. Cianci believed a male to be concerned in an event with his wife. 

Cianci did not offer time in prison, yet perceived a 5-year dangling sentence. He was transposed by Joseph R. Paolino, Jr. in a special election. 


Joseph Bevilacqua

Joseph Bevilacqua was RI Speaker of a House from 1969 to 1975, and was allocated as Chief Justice of a State Supreme Court in 1976.  It was purported that Bevilacqua had connectors to orderly crime via his domestic career.  

According to a 1989 essay that seemed in The New York Times during a time of his death:

The array of events that finally brought Mr. Bevilacqua down began during a finish of 1984… saying that reporters and state military officers had celebrated Mr. Bevilacqua regularly visiting a homes of underworld figures.

The state military purported that Mr. Bevilacqua had also visited a Smithfield motel, owned by organisation related to gambling and drugs…


Thomas Fay

Thomas Fay, a inheritor to Bevilacqua as Chief Justice of a Supreme Court, quiescent in 1993, and was after found guilty on 3 misconduct depends of directing settlement work to a partner in his genuine estate firm, Lincoln Center Properties.  

Fay was also purported to use probity employees, offices, and other resources for a functions of a genuine estate firm.  Fay, along with probity director and former Speaker of a House, Matthew “Mattie” Smith were purported to have used probity secretaries to control business for Lincoln, for that Fay and Smith were business partners. 

Fay was fined $3,000 and placed on one year probation. He could have been condemned for adult to 3 years in prison. 


Brian J. Sarault

Former Pawtucket Mayor Brian J. Sarault was condemned in 1992 to some-more than 5 years in prison, after pleading guilty to a assign of racketeering.  

Sarault was arrested by state military and FBI agents during Pawtucket City Hall in 1991, who purported that a mayor had attempted to extract $3,000 from former RI State Rep. Robert Weygand as a kickback from awarding city contracts.

Weygand, after alerting sovereign authorities to a coercion attempt, wore a secluded recording device to a assembly where he delivered $1,750 to Sarault.


Edward DiPrete

Edward DiPrete became a initial Rhode Island Governor to be offer time in jail after pleading guilty in 1998 to mixed charges of corruption.

He certified to usurpation bribes and extorting income from contractors, and supposed a defence discount that enclosed a one-year jail sentence.

DiPrete served as Governor from 1985-1991, losing his 1990 re-election debate to Bruce Sundlun.


Plunder Dome

Cianci was forced to renounce from a Mayor’s bureau a second time in 2002 after being convicted on one several charges levied opposite him in a liaison popularly famous as “Operation Plunder Dome.” 

The one guilty charge—racketeering conspiracy–led to a five-year judgment in sovereign prison. Cianci was transparent on all other charges, that enclosed bribery, extortion, and mail fraud.

While it was purported that City Hall had been soliciting bribes given Cianci’s 1991 lapse to office, most of a box revolved around a video display a Cianci aide, Frank Corrente, usurpation a $1,000 cheat from businessman Antonio Freitas. Freitas had also available some-more than 100 conversations with city officials.

Operation Plunder Dome began in 1998, and became open when a FBI executed a hunt aver of City Hall in Apr 1999. 

Cianci Aide Frank Corrente, Tax Board Chairman Joseph Pannone, Tax Board Vice Chairman David C. Ead, Deputy taxation assessor Rosemary Glancy were among a 9 people convicted in a scandal. 


Charles Moreau

Central Falls Mayor Charles Moreau quiescent in 2012 before pleading guilty to sovereign crime charges. 

Moreau admitted that he had give executive Michael Bouthillette a no-bid agreement to residence adult empty homes in sell for carrying a boiler commissioned in his home. 

He was liberated from jail in Feb 2014, reduction than one year into a 24 month jail term, after his strange judgment was vacated in sell for a guilty defence on a temptation charge.  He was credited with tim served, placed on 3 years probation, and given 300 hours of village service.


  • Buddy Cianci
  • Joseph Bevilacqua
  • Thomas Fay
  • Brian J. Sarault
  • Edward DiPrete
  • Plunder Dome
  • N. Providence Councilmen
  • Charles Moreau
  • Joe Almeida
  • Gordon Fox


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